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      In my recent travels and interviews, many
    of the same themes and questions are raised. Below I answer some frequently
    asked questions about Hong Kong, for a better understanding of recent developments
    in Hong Kong. -- Martin Lee
     
    Q. How have
    things changed in Hong Kong since the transfer of sovereignty to China
    on July 1? 
     
    A. Fortunately,
    this period has seen no revolutionary changes to Hong Kong. Although China's
    first act of sovereignty was to demolish all elected institutions in Hong
    Kong, Beijing's leadership has not carried out many of their worst threats
    to press freedom and the rule of law. However, you could say we are instead
    undergoing evolutionary changes to the freedoms and institutions that distinguish
    Hong Kong from China. And although Hong Kong people can still exercise
    most of our freedoms, we must do so under a dark cloud of non-representative
    and absolutist government. Think of it like this: the edifice is still
    standing -- but there are cracks in the foundation.
     
    Q. Is Hong
    Kong still a free international city? 
     
    A. Yes, in
    fact, it is Hong Kong citizens' robust defense of liberty which has marked
    the first year of Hong Kong as part of China. Hong Kong journalists have
    by and large continued to write the truth in their news reports, the public
    has insisted on its right to continue demonstrating, and we elected representatives
    have maintained our conviction that Hong Kong must have the freely elected
    legislature and freedoms China solemnly promised in the 1984 Joint Declaration.
    
     
    Q. Are Chinese
    officials now running Hong Kong?
     
    A. On the
    positive side, what has not happened, despite China's long standing threats,
    is overt interference by Beijing in Hong Kong's internal affairs -- so
    far as we can tell. This can be attributed to the absolute control exercised
    by Beijing's appointees in Hong Kong, including Chief Executive C. H. Tung
    and the appointed Provisional Legislature. Thus, China's Central Government
    has little need to directly intervene in Hong Kong as their proxies here
    are adept at anticipating Beijing's wishes. A second reason for non-interference
    from Beijing is certainly the world spotlight and the stated expectations
    of world leaders that Chinese leaders would adhere to the terms of the
    Joint Declaration. 
     
    Q. How well
    has Hong Kong survived the Asian Financial Crisis? 
     
    A. As a regional
    financial centre, Hong Kong has been very much affected by the economic
    crisis in the whole Asian region. But in Indonesia, Thailand and in South
    Korea, the crisis' source was not only economic, but political: featuring
    a non-democratic system, investors who relied on cronyism instead of market
    forces, and a lack of transparency, accountability and effective financial
    controls. 
     
    The political roots of the Asian crisis mean
    that unless there is substantial political reform as well as economic restructuring,
    it is likely to take Asia much longer to recuperate. The financial chaos
    carries a strong warning for Hong Kong as well: the countries in the region
    that have been hardest hit by the financial and currency crisis are those
    that have been least democratic. Hong Kong will certainly need to institute
    a democratic and accountable government to weather future financial storms.
     
    Q. It is
    widely said that Hong Kong people don't care about democracy and human
    rights -- that they only want to make money. Do Hong Kong people really
    care about democracy?
     
    A. Hong Kong people are by and
    large here because of freedom. Over 80% of us are the children or grandchildren
    of those who fled China's periodic political chaos, and few people in the
    world understand and treasure liberty as Hong Kong people do. In every
    election since 1990, Hong Kong people have overwhelmingly voted for candidates
    who would fight for democracy and defend Hong Kong's freedoms, even in
    the face of China's strong opposition. Hong Kong people -- rich and poor
    alike -- value our freedoms and know that the best way to protect them
    is to have a legislature and government elected by Hong Kong citizens and
    accountable to them.
     
    Q. So why
    aren't more people in Hong Kong's streets protesting in support of democracy?
     
    A. In May 1989, on two successive
    Sundays, over one million citizens demonstrated in Hong Kong's narrow streets
    in support of the student movement in Tiananmen Square. But after the crackdown,
    Hong Kong people -- most of whom do not have and cannot access foreign
    passports to leave -- realised what the risk in asking for that which they
    believe Beijing will punish. More recent threats from Chinese leaders include
    Chinese Foreign Minister Qian Qichen's pledge not to permit the peaceful
    annual Tiananmen Square memorials and proposed new laws to radically restrict
    lawful political protests and demonstrations. Still, at least 55,000 Hong
    Kong citizens attended the June 4th, 1997 commemoration in Victoria Park.
     
    Q. Singapore
    prospers, despite the government's restrictions of press and other freedoms.
    So if freedoms are taken away, what's wrong with Hong Kong becoming more
    like Singapore?
     
    A. Hong Kong has long been one
    of Asia's most free societies, with political as well as economic freedom.
    Hong Kong's entrepreneurs, journalists and artists alike benefit from the
    freedoms here. It is a fallacy that political freedom can be taken away
    and leave the economic system unaffected. Singapore has evolved into the
    society it is today and its citizens have never had many of the liberties
    enjoyed by Hong Kong people, such as rule of law and free elections. Hong
    Kong people will not willingly give those freedoms up.
     
    Q. The stock
    and property markets were soaring before the handover. Doesn't that mean
    that there is little or no concern about the future?
     
    A. Stock markets are short term.
    What the Democrats are working for is Hong Kong's long-term economic
    prosperity. To guarantee that, we must preserve the rule of law. Without
    the rule of law, an independent judiciary, a free press and an elected
    legislature to pass good laws, Hong Kong's free market will be undermined.
    Hong Kong's property market is virtually guaranteed to flourish because
    of the severely limited supply of land. Both property and stock markets
    are small and interlinked. And recently, a senior Beijing official (in
    a moment of misplaced candour) even pledged China will prop up the markets
    in the event of a crash (perhaps not understanding that this constitutes
    interference in Hong Kong's free market).
     
    Q. But don't
    tycoons and business leaders here trumpet their confidence in the future?
     
    A. Many of these tycoons have cultivated
    close ties to Beijing, have accepted political appointments and benefit
    from the awarding of contracts and political favours from Chinese leaders.
    But actions speak louder than words: those business leaders who publicly
    profess confidence have private doubts. Many have acquired foreign passports
    and today, according to the Securities and Futures Commission, over 65%
    of the companies listed on Hong Kong's stock exchange have moved their
    legal domicile out of Hong Kong to other jurisdictions where access to
    the Privy Council continues.
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